Gambling & Addiction on the Internet

Mark Mendel and Robert Blumenfeld sagame4g, of Mendel Blumenfeld, LLP, requested me to examine two main problems in the commercial controversy between the government of Antigua and the United States over the access to the American gaming industry via remote Internet and phone connections. (1) is substantially distinct in nature from “local” gambling for various addictive items, particularly the internet-related; (2) is notably different in general from the risk factors connected with Internet gambling and gambling. To comment on these central questions, I will examine various issues that have been fundamentally related, such as Internet nature and its connection to computers, computer characteristics and how they change when computers communicate on the Internet, gambling, electronic gambling, and addiction features.

I begin this assessment by presenting basic ideas and examining the nature of computers, the Internet and computers linked to the Internet that provide Internet gambling possibilities. I will also take into consideration sometimes the bad effect of gambling, which is untimely ate gameplay or addiction. I propose that all gambling experiences – whether they are technical or purely social – are “local” like watching films or gazing at porn pictures. That is to say, players experience gambling in person and not remotely irrespective of the event’s source. Each action generates a distinct sensation, but it is an individual and a local experience. Gambling on the Internet linked to computers is basically comparable, like viewing pornographic pictures or films saved on distant Internet-linked servers, to gambling on computers not connected to the Internet. The conclusion is that, notwithstanding social considerations, the dangers of gambling on Internet-connected computers do not vary much from those of gambling on machines that have no distant internet connection. This result is reasonable.


Technology may affect social and psychological processes (Kipnis, 1991). The development, maintenance or limitation of addiction may relate to technical advancements. The continued increase in Internet popularity for communication, education, and entertainment is the right place to investigate the link between addiction and technology. The notion that virtually every subject with a tightly rewarding behavior (e.g., drug usage, shopping, job, jogging and gambling) may become the subject of addictions has been more common since the idea arose that things may affect psychological states (Shaffer, 1997a, 1999b). In the same way, changes in technology have spurred the years to create addictions or misrepresentation in new electronic devices (for example, radios) or content sent via new electric instruments (for example dance music, jazz) (Silver, 1979). Similar worries were voiced about the emergence of computer technology and computer connections through the Internet. With other technological advances, social workservers and historians have learned that novelty effects are wavering as people adjust to the presence of new instruments and temporary increases in certain activity relationships (i.e. watching color tv and music on the television radio) tend to come under social control – even if they are linked to adverse health effects

The UCLA Web Report (Cole et al. 2000) is one of the few studies available on randomly chosen community samples to highlight computer epidemiology or patterns of the Internet. “It has become the world’s fastest-growing electrical technology. In the United States, for example, 46 years passed before 30% of U.S. houses were connected to the public, 38 years went before the telephone reached 30% of U.S. households and 17 years on TV. It took just seven years for the Internet to reach 30% of American homes” (Cole et al., 2000, p.5). Cole et al. identified the following activities to be the most frequent among Internet users.


Despite its popularity, there have been some worries about Internet usage. A forward research on Internet usage evaluated its effect in the first 1 to two years online for 169 individuals in 73 different homes (Kraut et al., 1998). In the study, the wider use of the Internet was extensively used in communication with the participants in the household and in the size of their social environment, and increased pressure and loneliness. However, with the exception of watching less TV, recent research shows that Internet users cannot vary much in a range of key dimensions from their non-Internet user counterparts (Cole et al., 2000). In view of this contradictory findings, additional longitudinal study is needed for the understanding of the effect of IT on cognisant and emotional experiences and social activities.

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